Artists Formerly Known
All Pueblos
Several hundred years ago, during the times of the great Southwest migrations, communal feasting developed as a means of meet-and-greet for integrating or rejecting newcomers into established villages. That's about the same time large open serving bowls came into existence. Families would prepare their specialty dish and bring it to share at the feast in their own bowls. When the feast was over, they retrieved their bowls and went back home until next time. They found ways to differentiate each family's bowls from the others, making them easy to recognize and retrieve. Those innovations have, in some cases, carried forward almost to today. Some were in the actual construction of the pots while others were in the execution of the decorations on them.
For instance, Nampeyo was known to have added an extra coil to the rims of her pieces, as she was aware of that being a breakage point should the piece actually be put into some kind of use. Today, "use" is not a consideration and rims have consequently become very thin. Nampeyo was also known for decorations that were slightly off balance, not quite direct copies of anything else on the piece.
Florentino Montoya, of San Ildefonso, was known for particular off-balance flourishes in his designs, used today to identify his pieces as he never signed any. He and his wife, Martina Vigil, were making pottery in the late 1800's. It was they who got Maria Martinez started when she was a young girl.
In general, most pieces of pottery made before the early 1950's were unsigned, their creators, for the most part, now unknown. Only a very few potters, ones who had become convinced of the monetary value of their name on the bottom of a piece, signed anything.
Maria Martinez of San Ildefonso was one of the very first, beginning in 1922. That caused a problem as the outside world then came looking for her in particular, as someone they really wanted to do business with. Then, in 1926, she added her husband's name to the signature as he was doing all the decorating for her. That caused another upheaval among the pueblos as the making of pottery was long considered to be "women's work."
Nampeyo, at Hopi, was also getting established as a potter of note around the same time, but she never learned English, never learned to read or write. As Nampeyo went blind and other members of her family began painting for her, some would sign pieces with her name and theirs, as in "Nampeyo Fannie," on a pot made by Nampeyo and painted by her daughter Fannie. Nampeyo's niece Daisy painted some, too, usually signing some version of "Nampeyo Daisy" or "Nampeyo DHN". Nampeyo's daughter, Annie Healing, worked side by side with Nampeyo for years, doing a lot of her decorating, but Annie never signed either name to anything. At this point in time, we know what to look for to attribute the making and decorating of a pot to Nampeyo but with pieces made after about 1920, it's essentially impossible to tell what was done by Nampeyo and what was done by Annie.
As the outside world began to learn of Nampeyo's art and the art being produced by others on the Hopi mesas, some of the traders, dealers and archaeologists who went to Hopi found that most potters had a hard time reading and writing English. They also didn't recognize the English names that had been given to them. Knowing the value of being able to attribute a particularly well-done piece to a particular potter, the dealers and traders began putting effort into getting the potters to develop "hallmarks," icons to use as identifiers. Marcia Rickey, with her "Flying Ant" avatar was one of the first of those. Sadie Adams with her five-petaled flower was another. Others developed over the years include "Frogwoman" (Navasie family), "Featherwoman" (Naha family), "Carried in Beauty" (Preston Duwyenie), "Antelope Woman" (Zella Cheeda) and more. In the early 1950's that developed into more full-scale signatures, although many continued adding family and clan hallmarks, some just adding small indicators of their own (such as: a distinct "Featherwoman" feather with an "S", meaning Sylvia Naha).
The 1950's saw a renaissance in pottery making among virtually all the pueblos, and with that came full signatures almost everywhere, some with hallmarks and some without. And some potters still use only hallmarks...
100 West San Francisco Street, Santa Fe, New Mexico 87501
(505) 986-1234 - www.andreafisherpottery.com - All Rights Reserved
Laguna Pueblo
After the Pueblo Revolt of 1680, the pueblos were fearful of Spanish reprisals. Spanish militias returned several times in the 1680s, looting and burning before returning to safety south of El Paso. In those years, when the Puebloans became aware of approaching Spanish forces they mostly scattered into the mountains and the Spanish found empty pueblos, easy to loot and easy to burn. When Don Diego de Vargas marched north in 1692, he was intent on reconquering Nuevo Mexico and re-establishing a long-term Spanish presence there. As the conquistadors who accompanied him were on a "do-or-die" mission, the reconquest took on a tenor quite different from the previous missions...
At first de Vargas followed a path of reconciliation with the pueblos but that was soon replaced with an iron fist that brought on a second revolt in 1696. The pueblos didn't fare so well the second time around and a large number of Pueblo warriors were executed while their wives and children were forced into slavery. When word of de Vargas actions got back to the King of Spain, he ordered de Vargas banned from the New World. However, most of the damage was already done.
Many modern historians say Laguna Pueblo was established between 1697 and 1699 by refugees seeking to avoid the fighting with the Spanish. Many of those refugees had left the first pueblos approached by the Spanish in 1692. Most had scattered to more remote places like Acoma, Zuni and Hopi, or to more Spanish-friendly Isleta. However, the pressure of those refugees strained the resources of the other pueblos and quickly forced the refugees to consider starting a new existence in a newly-formed pueblo.
In the 1000s CE, groups of Keres-speaking people were migrating out of the Chaco Canyon area. Some went to the south around the west side of Mount Taylor (and eventually to Acoma), and some went around the east side. Those who went around the east side of the ancient volcano came to a large lake where they decided to settle. The number of abandoned pueblos in the area says they stayed close to that lake for many years, moving only as drought and exhausted soils forced them to. That lake is what caused the Spanish to name the village "Laguna" several hundred years later. Some of the land under Laguna control has also been found to contain archaeological resources dating as far back as 3,000 BCE.
On the east side of today's Laguna Reservation is where the Puerco River of the East flows. There were numerous pueblos established along the Puerco between about 1250 and 1450 CE. Among them was a village now named Pottery Mound, named for the massive mounds of potsherds in and around the ruin. Pottery Mound was abandoned before the Spanish first arrived but archaeologists have followed the tracks left by Pottery Mound styles, shapes and designs to Acoma, Zuni and to settlements in the Hopi mesas and the Four Corners area.
In the 1700s, several villages were established in the area around Old Laguna and when the Lagunas were granted their own reservation, they were given about 500,000 acres of land, making Laguna one of the largest of all pueblos in terms of land. However, only about half the enrolled members of the tribe live at Laguna as many have been drawn to nearby Albuquerque in search of work.
Laguna and Acoma share the same language (Western Keres), similar pottery styles and similar religious beliefs. However, pottery making almost died out at Laguna after the railroads arrived in New Mexico in 1880 and laid a primary east-west trackbed directly in front of the Laguna main pueblo. During that time period many Lagunas went to work on railroad construction crews and many of the traditional Laguna arts and crafts died out. It didn't help when a Methodist missionary was elected pueblo governor in 1872. Among his first steps in office was an order to destroy all the kivas on Laguna land. That caused a schism in the tribe and, shortly, about half the Lagunas left their reservation and relocated to Isleta. Many of them returned to Laguna years later but there are still some at Isleta.
Pottery making never completely stopped at Laguna but by 1960 it was almost gone. Then in 1973 and again in 1974 Nancy Winslow (an Anglo woman from Albuquerque) taught two four-month arts and crafts classes at the pueblo. Among the 22 pueblo members in the first class were Evelyn Cheromiah and her daughters. Rick Dillingham quoted Evelyn Cheromiah as saying that after "looking at my mother's pottery-making tools, I got the urge of going back to making pottery." That was the beginning of today's renaissance in Laguna pottery.
Because of their geographic proximity, Laguna and Acoma clays are very similar, although Laguna clay tends to be a bit more sandy. In some instances, it's very hard to determine if a particular pot is from Acoma or from Laguna. Laguna potters are more likely to temper their white clay with sand than with ground potsherds like the Acomas do. Laguna geometric designs also tend to be bolder than Acoma designs while Laguna potters use Mimbres designs much more sparingly than do Acoma potters.
100 West San Francisco Street, Santa Fe, New Mexico 87501
(505) 986-1234 - www.andreafisherpottery.com - All Rights Reserved
100 West San Francisco Street, Santa Fe, New Mexico 87501
(505) 986-1234 - www.andreafisherpottery.com - All Rights Reserved

